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"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

2008年08月31日 13:27

"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."

Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.

The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.

Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.

And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.

This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.

This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.

I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.

It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.

Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.

This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.

And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.

On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.

I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.

But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.

As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.

Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way

But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.

In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:

"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."

That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.

And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.

I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.

These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.

Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.

But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.

The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.

Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.

Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.

Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.

A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.

This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.

But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.

And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.

In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.

Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.

Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.

This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.

But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.

For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.

Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.

The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.

In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.

In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.

For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.

We can do that.

But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.

That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.

This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.

This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.

This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.

I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.

There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.

There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.

And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.

She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.

She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.

Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.

Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley."

"I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.

But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

Read more HuffPost coverage and reaction to Obama's speech

オバマ候補 ノミネーションスピーチ

2008年08月31日 13:16


유학생과 일본인 학생이 만드는 신세대의 국제교류신문 “센섭”의 다언어 웹 메거진!

2008年08月04日 22:55

유학생과 일본인 학생이 만드는 신세대의 국제교류신문 “센섭”의 다언어 웹 메거진!


○브라질의 여러분이 나를 키웠습니다.

○자연에 대한 감사가 중요

○편안한 브라질 요리점 「카리오카」

○다문화적 출산⑥  스코틀랜드에서


2008年08月04日 22:54





○多文化出产⑥ 关于苏格兰

senseup power 8月号

2008年08月04日 22:52



○Japanese Brazilians have helped me grow

○Australian man and Japanese woman

○Comfort Brazilian restaurant “Carioca”

○Multicultural Delivery⑥ In Scotland

2008年08月04日 22:49

senseup power 8月号






○建築技術で日中の架け橋になる 許 社長


○多文化な出産 スコットランドにて




2008年08月02日 12:21




2008年08月02日 11:56

樹研工業 社長 松浦元男 氏 Innovator File No.10
株式会社 樹研工業
代表取締役社長 松浦元男 氏
Matsuuraa Motoo

日本LCA 知識開発室  高田晋治、高橋現




―― 「百万分の一の歯車!」(中経出版)、「先着順採用、会議自由参加で世界一の小企業をつくった」(講談社)など、昨年は、立て続けにご著書を出版され、話題を呼びましたが、これは、いまや、優秀な部品メーカーの技術力こそが、最終製品の差別化要因となっていることの証左だと思います。だから、この先行き不透明な時代に、読者は松浦社長の意見を求めようとする。ただ、ご著書の内容を読ませていただくと、松浦社長の主張は実にシンプルで、結局、成功の秘訣は「人づくり」に尽きるということですね。世界初となる100万分の1グラムの歯車の開発も、いまは、その話題性とは裏腹に、現時点では用途がなく海のものとも山のものともつかない状態だということですが、“世界初”を実現したことによって、開発者自身の市場価値が高まり、マーケットでの発言力が増し、ひいては御社の業績向上にも結びついていると。

松浦   そうですね。言ってしまえば、これまで、ほとんどの企業が、基礎研究を疎かにしてきた、ということです。“応用”と言えば聞こえはいいですが、二匹目のドジョウばかりをねらってきて、独自の開発体制を構築できなくなり、「ドジョウがいなくなった」とあたふたしている。それこそ、海のものとも山のものともつかない研究開発にまい進させるということは、研究者をとことん信頼しなければならないということなんですよ。しかし、ほとんどの経営者は、それとは逆に、“生産性”という旗印の下、不確実性の高い“人”という存在を、信用せず、統制管理しようっていう考え方をしてきた。でも、それでは、社長の発想を打ち破るようなイノベーションが起こらないわけですよ。社員の創造性を生かそうとするなら、不確実性こそ可能性だと考え、人材の未来に投資するスタンスに転換しなければならない。大事なのは、会社にそうしたスタンスがあるのかないのか、ということです。

―― それはどういうところに表れるんですか。

松浦  会社のサイフの中身を見れば一発でわかります。要するに内部留保ですよね。日ごろから地道に内部留保をしているかどうかが、資本準備金の額に表れてくる。ここにこそ、経営者が未来への投資にどれだけ信念を持っているか、が表れてくる。だって内部留保に努めれば、倹約や納税で、経営者の懐はちっとも豊かにならないんだから、会社が自分の所有物で、社員はコストだと考えているような人には、とてもできることではありません。優良な企業は、漏れなく、資本準備金を潤沢にし、新たな分野に挑む優秀な社員に、いい環境を与えている。要するに、人事は財務の問題と切り離せないわけです。逆にそれを切り離して考えるからおかしなことになる。



―― 最近では、リストラによって業績がV字回復した企業を、株主やメディアがこぞって評価する傾向が定着している。

松浦  僕は、そんな業績回復は粉飾決算と変わらないと思っています。だって、何の経営努力をすることもなく、社員に責任を押し付けて済ませているだけなんですから。当社は、そんな企業とは取引しません。そんな企業の発展に力を貸したくもないし、多くの場合、縮小均衡で見通しも暗いだろうから、巻き添えも食らいたくないですしね。


―― ご著書でも、経営者の役割は、社員がチャンスとモチベーションを取り込めるような環境を提供することだとお書きになっておられましたが、これは具体的にどういうことですか。
樹研工業 社長 松浦元男 氏

松浦  それは、当社で言えば、技術者に最先端で最高級のマシンを与えてやることです。例えば、昨年には、ナノという単位で金属(金型)を加工するための工場を建設しましたが、周辺の道路から伝わる振動の影響をゼロにする免震構造や、工場内の温度を±0.001℃に抑えるクリーンルームを備え、そこに一ナノの単位で制御できる五軸制御のマシニングセンターを入れることで、総額3億4000~5000万円の投資をしました。



―― 大学時代、ダンスホールのバンドマンとして活躍されたとか。

松浦  ええ。トロンボーンやピアノをやって生活費を稼いでいました。そのころ、先輩から言われたんです。「弘法は筆を択ばずというけれど、俺たちは選ばなきゃだめだ」って。世界に数台しかない特別なピアノを与えられれば、神聖な気持ちになって、それに見合った作品を作ろうという気持ちになりますよ。何よりピアノを弾くこと自体が楽しくなって、弾いて弾いて、何とかしてピアノのレベルに追いつこうと考える。でも、そんな燃えたぎる気持ちを秘めている人間に、「お前、それは贅沢だよ。お前ならこの程度でいいんじゃないの?」って言って、三流品を与えたら、気持ちが萎えますよね。

―― 会社がその人物をどう評価してるかが、そういう場面に表れる。そんな中で、社長が、日ごろから節制して貯めたお金を、自分たちが利用するマシンに惜しみなく投入してくれたら、やはり意気に感じますよね。

松浦 そりゃあもう、彼らも燃えたぎる血潮でぶつかっていくわね。そんな士気の高さで、他社が持っていない高級な機械に向き合えば、世界初の技術も生まれるんですよ。だけど、社長が高いゴルフ会員権買って、それで損したらしいっていう噂が出たり、会社にゴルフバックが置いてあって、その中に入ってる道具は何十万とか何百万とか、そのくせハンデは30だとか、そんな話ばっかりじゃ、そりゃ若い子もついてこないと思うよ。


―― 松浦社長が「どんな人間でもモチベートできる」とおっしゃる意味は、そういうところにある。

松浦  そうそう。やっぱり皆やる気あるもんね。全く生きる意欲がないなんて、そんなやつ初めから入ってこないよ。会社に来たいっていうからには、やる気があるんだよ。まず受け入れ側の社長に、自分の会社を選んでくれたことに感謝する気持ちがなかったら、最初の第一歩から分かり合えないね。金髪でピアスをしてようが、どんな格好をしてようが、その家のお父さんお母さんからしたら、大事な息子や娘だもんね。それを大事に受け取ってあげるっていうのは、ごく当たり前のことでしょう。大事に受け取って、大事にすれば、それは人それぞれタイミングは違うにせよ、みんな素直にサーッと伸びていくよ。

―― だから先着順採用でいいと。

松浦  ええ。大体、面接をやったって、人間の本質を10分程度で見抜けるわけがないんだよ。実際、うちで若手のホープと言われている人材が入社したばかりのころ、「今回ばかりは失敗したか」と僕は採用を後悔しました。いま、社内では「天才」とまで言われ、誰からも頼りにされています。でも、そのときは全くわからなかった。だから、当社を志望する気持ちがあれば、もうそれで十分だと思っています。

―― 松浦社長や、岡野工業の岡野雅行社長など、技術力に定評のある会社のトップが、部品会社の蔑称でもある“下請け”という言葉に対抗して、“上請け”という言葉を使って来られましたが、要するに、このチャンスとモチベーションの論理で、大企業に買い叩かれず利幅の稼げる技術が開発できるということですよね。そして、その利益をまた地道に内部留保し、社員に投資する。そういう良好なサイクルが築けていると。
樹研工業 社長 松浦元男 氏

松浦  そう。その好循環が構築できるかどうか、が成否を分けるポイントなんですよ。目先の数字にとらわれている経営者ほど、そこに気づかない。たとえば、かつてITバブルに乗って一世を風靡したドットコム会社の社長や、国際的な事業展開をしたスーパーの社長などが、倒産した後、コンサルタントとして活躍している情報が、様々なメディアで報道されていますが、彼らが話している内容を見ても、自分たちの失敗した原因をあまり理解していないんですよね。自らに責を求めているのはいいんだけど、結局、小手先のマーケティング戦略の話とかに終始しているんですよ。敗因の分析自体が間違っているわけです。


―― 経営者とは、すべてを背負いながら、金銭的に得るものは少ない、割に合わない役割だと。

松浦   それでいいんですよ。会社は、社員の安心の拠り所でなければならない。そうあり続ける仕組みをつくれれば成功なんですよ。本当に会社の存続を望むなら、企業の将来のためにできるだけ多額の投資をしたいと思うでしょう。そう思えば、役員賞与はやめて、税引き利益をできるだけ社外に出さないようにする。経営者は、十分な報酬をもらっても、貯金して増資を行うか、実質資本金勘定として働くように自社に預けるでしょう。そのまま自分の懐に入れてしまったら、その分、イノベーションの可能性が低くなるわけですからね。21世紀はマイクロ技術、ナノ技術が重要といっても、財務という裏づけがなくては何もできません。他の業界でもそれは同じです。







【松浦元男氏(まつうら・もとお)氏 プロフィール】


■株式会社 樹研工業  http://www.juken.com/

(仕事探求サイト イノヴェーティブONE より転機)


2008年08月02日 01:16


日 時:2008年8月23日(土)10:00~16:30
会 場:生活産業プラザ(地下1階 展示場)

主 催:東京国際団体ネットワーク




■ つながるハングル(企業会員)

■ 中国語勉強会  当日は宮崎が代表してブースにいます。ぜひとも遊びに来てください。

■ 新大久保韓国語勉強会

■ Lights of Asia

■ 韓日親善交流会

■ J∞K文化交流会

■ ハナ

■ 通訳NGO地球市民交流会






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